Jason
Sokol. There Goes My Everything: White
Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945-1975. New York: Knopf, 2006.
The civil rights movement is more
than just the story of the black freedom struggle. It is also the story of how
southern whites variously resisted, accommodated, or embraced the world that
was shifting under their feet. As Jason Sokol argues, while blacks drove change
during the era, ordinary whites in thousands of locales and in a multitude of
varied responses played a crucial role in determining the extent of that
change. Yet until recent years little scholarship was focused on white
reaction. Moreover, much of what was written focused on white elites and extremists,
the Ross Barnett’s and Bull Connor’s of the South. In these accounts the quiet
struggle of millions of ordinary white southerners to come to terms with the
changes sweeping their life are often lost from view. Sokol aims to recover
their voices and gain insight into what the civil rights movement was like for
average white southerners.
Using letters to newspapers and
letters constituents sent to their representatives, Sokol shows that the
set-piece events that define traditional civil rights narratives – Freedom Rides,
Birmingham, Selma – were not necessarily representative of ordinary white
southerners’ experience. Rather, for many white southerners the civil rights
movement was an intensely localized and personal experience. Bloody Sunday
might have been a distant and impersonal event filtered through media, while the
first time addressing a black man as “Mr.” could linger in memory as a major
shift. Likewise, white southerners who gave little thought to legislation passed
in far-off Washington D.C. could not forget the year the first blacks were
elected to the local school board. Though the movement is generally seen
as reaching a peak in 1964 and 1965, for many white southerners it was
was defined by when it arrived in their town.
For some southern whites the most
wrenching changes happened deep into the 1970s, long after the cameras had gone
away and the history of the movement was already being written. Historians
would try to fit the responses of white political leaders into various
categories of resistance or moderation, but most white southerners were not
radical in either direction. They were happy with southern customs and they
wanted life to get back to normal. After learning about the civil rights
movement a little boy asked one white southerner, “Which were you in – the Klan
or the FBI?” The man replied, “I was just in Georgia” (13). For these
southerners, the movement was an unwelcome and confusing intrusion, but it was
not something to violently resist, much less join. Sokol shows that many white
southerners disliked violence and upheaval far more than they sympathized with
black goals. Acquiescing to the changes the civil rights movement had wrought
was sometimes the quickest way to restore stability and move on in the hope
that life could continue as before.
There
Goes My Everything is an equivocal book. At a glance this may seem to be a
weakness, but it is the necessary result of Sokol’s main argument. The
responses of ordinary white southerners were localized, varied, and defiant of
simple generalizations. It is an equivocal book because the legacy of the civil
rights movement is itself ambiguous, and the voices of ordinary white southerners
are so difficult to recover. Many whites, having deeply drunk of a paternalistic ethos, were shocked that “our good Negroes”
were participating in the movement at all. Smaller numbers rapidly embraced the
changes or else bitterly resisted long after the movement was over. Collectively,
their responses helped to determine the boundaries of the second
reconstruction.
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