Friday, March 16, 2012

crash the system

Michelle Alexander had an excellent piece in the New York Times on Sunday with a call to "crash the justice system."
The Bill of Rights guarantees the accused basic safeguards, including the right to be informed of charges against them, to an impartial, fair and speedy jury trial, to cross-examine witnesses and to the assistance of counsel.
But in this era of mass incarceration — when our nation’s prison population has quintupled in a few decades partly as a result of the war on drugs and the “get tough” movement — these rights are, for the overwhelming majority of people hauled into courtrooms across America, theoretical. More than 90 percent of criminal cases are never tried before a jury. Most people charged with crimes forfeit their constitutional rights and plead guilty.

“The truth is that government officials have deliberately engineered the system to assure that the jury trial system established by the Constitution is seldom used,” said Timothy Lynch, director of the criminal justice project at the libertarian Cato Institute. In other words: the system is rigged.

The Supreme Court ruled in 1978 that threatening someone with life imprisonment for a minor crime in an effort to induce him to forfeit a jury trial did not violate his Sixth Amendment right to trial. Thirteen years later, in Harmelin v. Michigan, the court ruled that life imprisonment for a first-time drug offense did not violate the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment.

No wonder, then, that most people waive their rights. Take the case of Erma Faye Stewart, a single African-American mother of two who was arrested at age 30 in a drug sweep in Hearne, Tex., in 2000. In jail, with no one to care for her two young children, she began to panic. Though she maintained her innocence, her court-appointed lawyer told her to plead guilty, since the prosecutor offered probation. Ms. Stewart spent a month in jail, and then relented to a plea. She was sentenced to 10 years’ probation and ordered to pay a $1,000 fine. Then her real punishment began: upon her release, Ms. Stewart was saddled with a felony record; she was destitute, barred from food stamps and evicted from public housing. Once they were homeless, Ms. Stewart’s children were taken away and placed in foster care. In the end, she lost everything even though she took the deal.
But what if we organized a movement of people who refused to play along?
The system of mass incarceration depends almost entirely on the cooperation of those it seeks to control. If everyone charged with crimes suddenly exercised his constitutional rights, there would not be enough judges, lawyers or prison cells to deal with the ensuing tsunami of litigation. Not everyone would have to join for the revolt to have an impact; as the legal scholar Angela J. Davis noted, “if the number of people exercising their trial rights suddenly doubled or tripled in some jurisdictions, it would create chaos.”
Such chaos would force mass incarceration to the top of the agenda for politicians and policy makers, leaving them only two viable options: sharply scale back the number of criminal cases filed (for drug possession, for example) or amend the Constitution (or eviscerate it by judicial “emergency” fiat). Either action would create a crisis and the system would crash — it could no longer function as it had before. Mass protest would force a public conversation that, to date, we have been content to avoid.
I do tend to think that we need some sort of movement that is outside traditional political action, because no one with any political power seems to care about it. Most people don't realize how unjust the justice system is, and a troubling number of those who know how it works actually approve of it.

I think politicians are indifferent to racial discrimination and inhumane drug laws in a way they would not be if the system itself was seen as being in chaos. As long as people are quietly and efficiently being screwed, our leaders will not care. We must rise up and demand change. We certainly won't get very far waiting around for President Obama to lead on this issue.

Another NYT piece from the week before discussed the reception Alexander's book has received as it has become a surprise best-seller. People are beginning to open their eyes. You've got to believe that or you'll go crazy with anger.

Thursday, March 15, 2012

debating war with iran


As the drumbeat for war with Iran continues, I'm conflicted. In the end I come down on the side of containment, but I think it is a difficult question. Those arguing that one side or the other is obviously wrong are not being very serious. On the one side there are a lot of people who feel burned by the experience of the Iraq war, and that colors their judgment. Just because our previous war was a debacle does not mean another war is an absurdity. On the other side are people who appear to have not been burned enough by the Iraq war, who seem positively eager for another grueling war in an unstable region.

Both sides can point to potential nightmare scenarios, but perhaps the crucial difference is that if we attack, we are choosing to step into the abyss, into a conflict that we could not control or foresee how it would end. Such a war could easily be more costly and deadly than Iraq. On the other hand, choosing containment implies that we extend ironclad guarantees to a bunch of random gulf states we don't like that we will defend them in the case of attack. How else to prevent a nuclear arms race in the Middle East?

Make no mistake: both preemptive war and a nuclear Iran would be horrible outcomes. But I think preemptive war is worse. For one thing, there is no guarantee that Iran is going to build a nuclear weapon, first because they claim they're not (unlikely), second because the sanctions have wreaked havoc on their economy, and third because as the events of 2009 showed, they're unstable politically. I think a preemptive attack would in some ways play right into the regime's hands, legitimizing it in a way that no other action could.

And there are larger themes to consider. For one, we remain far too confident in the ability of our government and intelligence services to know what exactly is happening in Iran. Let's face it, when it comes to matters of war and peace, trusting what our own government tells us has been a reliable way to be wrong. The border crossing of the Mexican-American war. The Gulf of Tonkin incident. WMD in Iraq. Our government has been found to be dishonest or incompetent too many times for us to just assume that, of course, Iran must be developing a nuclear weapon and they must be as close to achieving it as our intelligence services say.

Worse, if we attack Iran we will institutionalize the idea that we have to make preemptive war to prevent any serious threats from materializing. I think that is a horrible calculus, both morally and strategically. To be clear, I'm not opposed to all preemptive war. We all wish Britain and France would have had the gumption for it in 1936. Thus there's a certain moral naivete and grandstanding among those who never find the use of force acceptable. That being said, we must not make it a norm that “we attack you before you can attack us.” We'll end up imagining enemies and becoming what we fear. We must learn to live, as everyone else does, in an unsafe world. Our exceptional power tempts us into thinking that through violence, we can make ourselves safe. It's not true.

Wednesday, March 14, 2012

are conservatives finally right on racism?


As I briefly mentioned yesterday, one of the real burdens of taking a conservative stance on racial issues is that you are implicitly arguing that your side is right on questions of discrimination and equality for the first time in American history. Even most conservatives believe that the conservative racial beliefs of a generation or two ago were wrong. So in holding the conservative view today, you effectively argue that yours is the first generation in which conservatives finally get it right on race.

Of course, that's not an impossibility. But it does seem to be enough to give one pause. Are we really so sure that the basic racial narrative of white people is correct now, when even we as white people can look back at every previous generation in American history and see that they were wrong?

This is about the time people begin to shift the discussion to one of politics. Since Republicans are more likely to hold conservative racial views now, they are quick to point out that Democrats have a bad record on race. That's true. For most of our history the Democrats were the political home of racial conservatism. Now Republicans are. But that's beside the point. The point is cultural and ideological, not partisan. Americans believe that the racial conservatism of our past, in either party, was wrong. So current racial conservatives must explain why it is now right.

There is an important distinction to be made. What I would consider to be “true” conservatism can, I think, be readily defended. That is, trying to find solutions to racial discrimination and inequality that rely more on empowered local communities, bottom up approaches, and market incentives is a healthy conservative alternative to inflexible federal government programs. There is no reason for that sort of conservatism to feel defensive or have to answer for the sins of previous generations.

But all too often what we call “conservatism” is a tribal, cultural allegiance that is uncomfortably similar to the racial conservatism of previous generations. This conservatism frequently descends into a sort of twilight zone where racial discrimination is a thing of the past and white people are the ones getting the short end of the stick.

This latter sort of “conservatism” cannot be defended on anything other than racist grounds, but I fear that it is more prevalent than reality-based conservatism.

Tuesday, March 13, 2012

obama and derrick bell


Last week Sean Hannity, Sarah Palin et al, were freaking out over Andrew Breitbart's final posthumous “scoop.” It's a video of a young Obama at Harvard in 1990 praising (and gasp! Hugging!) a black professor named Derrick Bell. I was not familiar with Dr. Bell or his work, but apparently he was a founder of Critical Race Theory. The story is that this once again shows how radical (subtext: perhaps racist!) President Obama is.

What exactly was the nature of professor Bell's radicalism, you ask? Well, it seems that much of his life's work was defined by his belief that black Americans would never be equal in the United States. He focused on how white structures of power adapt while retaining white supremacy. As I say, I've never read his work so I'm sure I don't do it justice, but he apparently believed this dynamic would continue indefinitely.

I was amused but not surprised as I perused the blogs and TV clips of right-wing outrage over these ideas. As usual, Sarah Palin's train of thought was hard to follow. She claimed that Dr. Bell and President Obama seemed to want to take us back “to the days before the Civil War…when we were in different classes based on income, based on color of skin.” Though it's not at all clear how this has anything to do with the Dr. Bell's work, one might consider it a victory that here we have Palin admitting that there once was something wrong with America (in the same interview, however, Palin managed to erase everything after the civil war. Apparently the past 150 years have been a golden age of equality the rest of us just failed to notice).

My sense is that the reason Dr. Bell's ideas offend is that, to people on the far right, the notion that white privilege is so entrenched that it will never end is itself racist – against white people. But to those of us who have a basic grasp of American history and our present inequities, Dr. Bell's ideas should be carefully considered, not dismissed out of hand. I myself would not take such a pessimistic view, but realistically, the idea that black people will never be equal in American society is more of a troubling possibility than an absurdity.

But that goes against right-wing theology. Right-wing dogma dictates that you must pretend we have an equal opportunity society now, already. You must pretend that white privilege does not exist. You must pretend that you happen to be a part of the first generation in American history in which the conservative perspective on racial issues is the right one. We were all kids once; the appeal of pretending never completely fades.

Monday, March 12, 2012

a massacre in afghanistan


The tragedy in Afghanistan yesterday is shocking and horrible. The pain of the people of Afghanistan is hard to imagine. For three decades their existence has been defined by war. And what would you think if you lived in that village? After ten years of ineffectual occupation and numerous indignities, would it matter to you that the occupying power claimed it was the work of a lone soldier?

At the same time, yesterday's events are disheartening to Americans who know that the actions of that single soldier do not reflect the values of the United States military. That being said, this is precisely the sort of thing President Obama knowingly risked by trying to create a nation state where there isn't one, instead of pursuing a counter-terrorism strategy.

In recent months, we've seen United States soldiers peeing on Afghan corpses and burning Korans, Afghan Army soldiers killing their U.S. trainers, and now a massacre of women and children by a U.S. soldier. As sickening as these things are, they ought not be particularly surprising. All the conditions are there: a culturally distant and ignorant invading force, an ambivalent ally of questionable commitment, and an American military strained and less psychologically healthy than it's been in decades after ten years of unremitting war.

President Obama, by his cowardly refusal to take on the powerful pro-war lobby in America, has allowed events to take this desperate turn. It bears repeating: what we're doing in Afghanistan does not make sense. We have routed the terrorists that attacked us on 9/11 and the vast majority of those with global ambitions are now dead. As of last summer, when Bin Laden was killed, the war was won.

The stated rationale for our continued involvement is that we want Afghanistan to be a stable, governable place so it does not fall back into the hands of terrorists. That would be really nice! But it is not our job to create a modern nation state out of a tribal region that doesn't have any particular desire to be a modern state.

The truly perverse thing is that if we had unilaterally pulled out of Afghanistan after killing Bin Laden, the worst case scenario would have made Afghanistan a chaotic place similar to Yemen, Somalia, and Pakistan. All four of these places are crawling with terrorists. But only in Afghanistan, arguably the least strategically important of the four, do we have tens of thousands of troops.

Again: we're there because...we're there. We don't want to look weak. We want to complete the mission. The U.S. military, for all it's professionalism, does not do a good job of admitting when it is losing. I think it is easier for those of us with less intimate knowledge of events, with less of a dog in the fight, to state the obvious. We can win a counter-terrorism war. But we cannot win a nation building war.

Thursday, March 8, 2012

tnc on lady gaga's anti-bullying initiative

Ta-Nehisi Coates was on fire last week as he explored the double standards around our understanding of bullying, violence, and race:
If you are a black kid growing up in urban America, as I was, you can expect to have a consistent and enduring  relationship with violence. You can expect to find yourself ambushed by packs of children simply for walking down the wrong street. You can expect guns to intrude upon your world. And should you be perceived as "weak" in any way, you can expect all of these forces to fall upon you with an exponential fury.

Should you grow and survive, should you even rank among those who learn to negotiate that world of violence, you will never have the luxury of losing your native language. Small provocations will send you to thoughts of violence and even acts, if you are less lucky. This will have lasting consequences for your life. But you will not call your experience "scars" you will call it "coming up hard."

I want to focus on how we talk about the young people who daily endure this reality. We don't see them as victims of bullying so much as victims of the latest dance craze. Consider "black on black crime" a phrase which assumes a kind monolithic unity which has never existed among any known carbon-based organism. For matters as slender as a failed party invitation, we invoke "bullying" and thus invoke a kind of failure of society. But for matters as crucial as murder we offer "black on black crime" and thus strictly invoke the failure of black people.

I am glad to see Lady Gaga and Oprah combating bullying at Harvard. It would have been nice to see them in Harlem.
 I have sensed this too but I can't put it better than he just did so I'll leave it at that.

Wednesday, March 7, 2012

china is not particularly aggressive

This is a continuation of thoughts in Saturday's post about historical memory.

Nagoya, Japan and Nanjing, China are sister cities. That is, they were sister cities until a couple of weeks ago. That's when the mayor of Nagoya, during a high-level visit from Chinese officials, said that the Rape of Nanking (Nanjing) never took place, claiming that only "conventional acts of combat occurred." Nanjing promptly dissolved its relations with Nagoya. Then the governor of Tokyo chimed in to declare that the mayor of Nagoya was correct and should be defended.

To give a sense of what this means, we should clarify that the Rape of Nanking is an established fact. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were raped, mutilated, and murdered in less than two months in the beginning of 1937. The photos, mass graves, and eyewitness accounts are there for anyone who wants to know the truth. So these statements are akin to the mayor of say, Berlin, denying the Holocaust. If that happened he would be promptly prosecuted and jailed. But in Japan this kind of denial is commonplace.

I share this because I think it is helpful to be reminded that our rising rival in Asia (China) is, in the scale of the past 150 years of international relations, a victim, while our main ally in the region (Japan) is the bad guy. China was ruthlessly subjugated by the western powers (including us) and Japan in the latter part of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. Then Japan killed many millions of Chinese troops and civilians in its long war of conquest that began before World War 2 and only ended in 1945.

None of this necessarily means that our response to China's rise will be any different. The communist regime is still horrible, and if it became more powerful than the United States it would be bad for east Asia and the world. But it is frustrating to see U.S. media and political leaders pretending that China's actions are somehow inscrutable or deeply aggressive.

Think about it for half a second from the Chinese perspective. Everything they've done has been merely to restore their proper level of sovereignty and power in the region. They only regained control of Hong Kong from the British in 1997! The British had no right to be there. It was simply a legacy of the time western powers took over Chinese ports at the barrel of a gun.

And what is China's only other great territorial ambition? To regain the island of Taiwan, which has long been a part of China proper, but the losing side in the civil war retreated there and has since been protected by U.S. ships and planes. Look, it is bad the communists won the civil war, but they won it fair and square. Our protection of Taiwan is similar to, say, if the confederate leaders after our Civil War had retreated to Florida and turned it into another country with the help of the British Navy. That does not necessarily mean we should not protect Taiwan, but let's be clear about what we're doing.

People also get upset with China for its votes in the U.N. security council. The votes are often morally indefensible (protecting Syria, for example) but they make perfect sense. China is finally emerging from over a hundred years of having its sovereignty trampled on. It has a policy of voting against attempts to do that to other nations, even when their leaders are doing horrible things (Libya, Syria). Granted, it is self-serving, as China does not want any meddling in its own human rights abuses, but it does make sense.

Too often we see the actions of rival countries as mindlessly aggressive rather than reasonable steps rooted in historical calculations. We give ourselves the benefit of the doubt in everything and don't bother to see where other nations are coming from.

Tuesday, March 6, 2012

good news

You see, at just the right time, when we were still powerless, Christ died for the ungodly. Very rarely will anyone die for a righteous man, though for a good man someone might possibly dare to die. But God demonstrates his own love for us in this: While we were still sinners Christ died for us.

Some things should never get old.

Monday, March 5, 2012

herland

The following is a draft of a little interpretive essay I have to do on Charlotte Perkins Gilman's 1915 feminist novel Herland. I approached this with a fair amount of trepidation, as the subject matter is way outside my comfort zone. My last exposure to feminist thought was a "psychology of women" class back in 2005. It's crazy to realize that was seven years ago. Anyway, even there we certainly weren't talking about the feminism of the progressive era. So I freely admit that I don't really know what I'm talking about. But hopefully it's not too obvious.

In approaching the text of Charlotte Perkins Gilman's Herland, we cannot assume that we as modern readers have a good sense of her perspective simply by knowing that she wrote a utopian feminist novel. A long distance separates us from 1915. We are much more likely to be familiar with feminism of a more recent vintage, one that is different from Gilman's in important ways. It is not enough to know that Gilman is a feminist and assume, because we know something of the 1970s, that we understand her. While her novel certainly anticipates changes that would come to American life in later decades, it also goes in some surprising directions that are distinct from later feminist thought. We must let it stand on its own terms, as a document written in 1915, for a 1915 audience. Think of the flavor of the time: The Great War had begun, D.W. Griffith's enormously popular racist epic The Birth of A Nation was released that same year, and women were still seeking the right to vote. Gilman wrote at a time in which ideas we now find distasteful, from patriarchy to imperialism to racism, were not just accepted but taken for granted. 

Thus a fantasy novel was an ideal device for Gilman, allowing her to upend the assumptions of her readers through the less confrontational means of storytelling, adventure, and humor. And make no mistake: the assumptions she challenges were all too real. The three men in the story appear to us as caricatures, though they were surely less so in 1915. In Terry, we see a “man's man,” one to whom women exist for his pleasure, to be exploited. In Jeff we see a “tender soul” who idolized women and sought to serve them. In Vandyck we have a logical thinker, a social scientist who nonetheless carries numerous implicit biases and assumptions about women and their place in the world. In presenting these three archetypes, Gilman no doubt felt she had covered the large majority of male opinion in the United States. And as the men ponder what they might find in a land of females, their assumptions surely echo what many an incredulous American male must have thought about the idea of an all female society. Terry is certain the country will be “awfully primitive,” since women alone could not possibly build a complex civilization. It will be a place so full of jealousy and infighting that Terry will “get myself elected king in no time.” Jeff imagines a “harmonious sisterhood...like a nunnery,” which, Gilman makes clear, is in important ways as limiting and condescending as Terry's more upfront sexism. As for Van, with his sociological pretension, he believes that perhaps the “primeval customs” of a group of women have survived and warns that women of “that stage of culture are quite able to defend themselves,” despite the obvious “physiological limitations of the sex.”

In thus presenting the basic assumptions of the day, Gilman is poised to turn them on their head when the men arrive in Herland. The most baffling thing for the trio of men is that while the people of Herland are manifestly women, they do not seem to be properly feminine. They are female, but they are not female in a way that the men readily recognize, understand, or accept. They are strong, physically and emotionally. They are capable and independent, yet united in collective action. This leads to one of the central questions of the book: why are these women this way? How is it that these people with female bodies are so lacking in feminine charms? How is it that they came to occupy a space so far outside the gender roles of 1915 America? Is it because the women of Herland, without the level-headed influence of men, somehow managed to construct a twisted, artificial environment that distorted women? Not at all; indeed it is precisely the opposite. American society, Gilman implies, is the artificial construct. American society does the distorting and twisting. 

This is a utopian novel, but Gilman is not simply arguing for the remaking of society as we see fit, for building an artificial construct that will be more favorable to women. Rather, the utopia is achieved by not constructing. It is achieved by allowing women to develop their natural abilities. The women of Herland are the way they are because they exist in a natural setting, not an artificial one. They are free from the constraints of an artificially constructed patriarchy. For the three men, patriarchy is natural. For the women of Herland (and Gilman sides with them) equality is natural. What the men take to be unchanging truths about human nature are, to Gilman, results of women's subordination in American society, a subordination that is itself an artificial edifice. 

The contradiction and hypocrisy of 1915 America, the basic unnaturalness of it, is everywhere exposed and challenged. Terry, in exasperation says “these women aren't womanly,” but Van concludes that the alluring feminine graces “we are so fond of are not feminine at all, but mere reflected masculinity – developed to please us because they had to please us, and in no way essential to the real fulfillment of their great process.” When Jeff tells Celis she ought not carry anything, she looks out over the fields of women working, at “the nearest town with its women-built houses; down at the smooth, hard road we were walking on; and then at the little basket he had taken from her,” and the utter irrelevance of Jeff's chivalrous notions to a natural setting like Herland are made plain.  And the threat to manliness, to patriarchy, could not be missed. For what could these self-sufficient women need a man? Gilman has Van say, “When a man has nothing to give a women, is dependent wholly on his personal attraction, his courtship is under limitations.” In Gilman's view, it is not so much limiting the man as putting him on a level playing field with women. Elsewhere when the men explain that, of course, women wear frilly hats and take the man's name upon getting married, the women of Herland simply ask if the men do the same. The foreignness of these customs and simplicity with which the women of Herland reject them put into powerful relief how arbitrary and unnatural they are. 

In Herland, everything is utilitarian. The clothing is simple and comfortable, their hair is short and practical. They breed cats, but only to take care of the mice population. There is no sense of consumerism, for they have everything they need, and what is the use of having more? Rather than consumerism, there is a conscious effort to make progress, to improve both oneself and the society at large for the next generation. The women of Herland are efficient and strong, at the very center of a sustainable drive toward progress. The women of America, in contrast, are ornaments, appendages to a man's world of competition and industry. With devastating simplicity, Gilman argues that there is nothing natural or utilitarian about shunting to the side half the population and consigning them to the home sphere. In America there are “two life cycles: the man's and the woman's. To the man there is growth, conquest, the establishment of his family, and as much further success in gain or ambition as he can achieve. To the woman, growth, the securing of a husband, the subordinate activities of family life, and afterward such 'social' or charitable endeavors as her position allows.” In Herland there “was but one cycle, and that a large one.”

But perhaps there is a point on which the three visitors and the women of Herland can agree. What, after all, is more natural than motherhood, both in 1915 America and in Herland? Gilman presents motherhood as the defining feature of Herland, but it is of a quite different sort than what the men are accustomed to. Gilman has Van present a searing critique of American motherhood and then contrasts it with the motherhood of Herland: “They were Mothers, not in our sense of helpless involuntary fecundity, forced to fill and overfill the land, every land, and then see their children suffer, sin, and die, fighting horrible wars with one another; but in the sense of Conscious Makers of People. Mother-love with them was not a brute passion, a mere “instinct,” a wholly personal feeling; it was – a religion.” This religion rejected a patriarchal, vengeful God for a “Mother Goddess” that we are told morphed into a sort of “maternal pantheism” that made sense of their experience. “Here was Mother Earth, bearing fruit. All that they ate was fruit of motherhood, from seed or egg or their product. By motherhood they were born and by motherhood they lived – life was, to them, just the long cycle of motherhood.” Thus they lived in a world without religious hierarchies, war, competition, and aristocracies. 

The motherhood Gilman imagines is an organizing principle of the whole culture, so that nothing is done without thinking of the children of the society. It is not petty or provincial; it is cooperative and all encompassing (indeed, so cooperative that only those considered fit are allowed to give birth). Such a motherliness was foreign to Americans of 1915. Gilman portrays the usual idea of motherhood as narrow, emotional, and self-absorbed. But “A motherliness which dominated society, which influenced every art and industry, which absolutely protected all childhood, and gave to it the most perfect care and training, did not seem motherly” to the visitors, Gilman says. Gilman argues that precisely this sort of motherhood is natural. It has only been obscured by the artificial constructs of a male dominated society. A telling moment occurs toward the end of the book as Van interacts with his new wife. He finds that “under all our cultivated attitude of mind toward women, there is an older, deeper, more 'natural' feeling, the restful reverence which looks up to the Mother sex” (italics mine).

This emphasis on mothers is an obvious critique of American patriarchy and motherhood, but it is also an indictment of American capitalism. The mothers of Herland are defined by their cooperative efforts to build up “the race” (tellingly, Gilman makes sure to inform us that the women of Herland are of Aryan stock) and make the land better for their children. And as the men get to know the country better, it becomes clear how well this cooperative approach has succeeded. The forests are perfectly preserved and cultivated to produce food. The infrastructure is solid and sustainable. The towns are clean and picturesque. The women admit to having had criminals, but it was some six hundred years ago. There is none of the environmental degradation and social dislocation that, Gilman believes, competition produces. The concept of private property is very limited. The men try to explain that competition produces “stimulus to industry,” and without it there would not be progress.  The women point out that surely a mother will provide for her children without needing the spur of competition. Terry grants an exception for that case, but argues that “the world's work was different – that had to be done by men, and required the competitive element.” But as they stood there in Herland, the evidence of progress, of the “world's work” being done, was all around them. 

In contrast to her critique of patriarchy, which exposes the double-standards and absurdities of 1915 America, Gilman is less sure-footed in her promotion of cooperation as opposed to competition as the organizing principle of labor in society. Certainly the abuses she notes are real. The men are forced to admit that what they consider to be a natural law of competition has led to war, poverty, child labor, environmental damage, and more. The women of Herland can hardly imagine these outcomes, much less believe them to be natural. Gilman understood that competition could destroy. What good was competition that drove men to heights of industry if the land was left unusable for the next generation? So surely 1915 America was in need of a more cooperative approach, one that thought more of future generations and less of getting ahead at any cost. But Gilman appears to eschew competition entirely, while making it a completely gendered phenomenon. Men are competitive. Men have made the world an unnatural, competitive place. Herland, freed from the influence of men, has become collectivist and cooperative. But Gilman simply asserts that cooperation works, without explaining how. Perhaps the most optimistic of thinkers in 1915 could find this believable. But in our post-soviet, post-collective farm era, it is more than a little dubious to think that those cooperative efforts failed only because they were infected with patriarchy, and not because of some basic flaws in the practice of cooperation itself. 

In our post-imperial (for the most part) world, it is easier to see the potency of Gilman's critique of social imperialism. For when major powers like the United States pursued competitive practices, they did not stop at their borders, and the consequences for smaller states could be devastating. Gilman pointedly notes that when faced with problem of overpopulation the women of Herland did not “start off on predatory excursions to get more land from somebody else, or to get more food from somebody else, to maintain their struggling mass.” This is a perfect summation of what the great powers of the day were doing. One of the causes was a callous, chest-thumping patriotism. She criticizes patriotism as Americans understood it, saying, “Patriotism, red hot, is compatible with the existence of a neglect of national interests, a dishonesty, a cold indifference to the suffering of millions. Patriotism is largely pride, and very largely combativeness. Patriotism generally has a chip on its shoulder.” The women of Herland, in contrast, had a love of country that sought the good of everyone in it, without infringing on those beyond its borders. 

Gilman's critique is at its most potent when discussing the implications of marriage. When the three men each marry a women of Herland, problems immediately arise. Despite being in Herland for months, the men still approach their marriages with the expectations of 1915 America. One could argue that in the developing consumer culture of the United States, these expectations dictated that women were just the most valuable consumer item. Early in the book Van says, “'women' in the abstract is young, and, we assume, charming. As they get older they pass off the stage, somehow, into private ownership mostly, or out of it altogether” (italics mine). It describes a dynamic hardly different from the latest consumer product with its short life span. When asked what exactly a wife is, Terry responds that “A wife is a women who belongs to a man.” Van relates the universally understood idea of what happens upon getting married: “He goes on with his business, and she adapts herself to him and to it.” But why should it not be the other way around? Van concludes that much of their difficulty stemmed from having “no sense of...possession” over their wives. Gilman clearly reveals the double standard and has nothing but scorn for a marriage structure in which men cannot feel satisfied without a sense of entitlement and ownership within the relationship. 

In reading Herland, a broad question arises that may at first seem obvious or silly but is actually at the heart of Gilman's argument. In writing her utopia, why did Gilman make it all female? She makes it abundantly clear that Herland is a society in which men are not needed. Does that mean that Gilman believes the world would be a better place without men? Not at all. Rather, in making Herland all female Gilman intends to present a mirror image of 1915 America. Consider Van's reflections at the end of the book:
When we say men, man, manly, manhood, and all the other masculine derivatives, we have in the background of our minds a huge vague crowded picture of the world and all its activities. To grow up and “be a man,” to act like a man” – the meaning and connotation is wide indeed. That vast background is full of marching columns of men, of changing lines of men, of long processions of men; of men steering their ships into new seas, exploring unknown mountains, breaking horses, herding cattle, ploughing and sowing and reaping, toiling at the forge and furnace, digging in the mine, building roads and and bridges and high cathedrals, managing great businesses, teaching in all the colleges, preaching in all the churches; of men everywhere, doing everything – “the world.” And when we say women, we think of female – the sex.
So it is not quite right to think of Herland as a country without men. In a literal sense, of course it is true that men are not there. But the larger point is that Herland is a country in which men are invisible and unnecessary, as 1915 America is a country in which women are pushed to the side and not needed. In the end, what Gilman wants is to move beyond this dehumanization, this marginalization where “woman” simply means female, wife, feminine. She envisions a world in which the word “woman” connotes full personhood, a full range of life potential and possibilities. Much has changed in the decades since Herland was written. One imagines that if Gilman could glimpse the present day she would find cause for both celebration and disappointment.

Sunday, March 4, 2012

time to get out of afghanistan

Think about this. The only reason we're still in Afghanistan is because...we're in Afghanistan. That's really it. No one believes we would go into Afghanistan now if we weren't already there, the obvious reason being that Afghanistan is not a strategically important place. But we're there, so it becomes important in a self-fulfilling prophecy kind of way.

It seems obvious that we are not winning in Afghanistan, nor do we have a workable strategy to do so. Perhaps we might have been able to win if President Bush had focused on winning Afghanistan and the war on terror instead of starting a preemptive war to remake the entire Middle East. But over ten years on, with no real progress in sight, it's time to cut our losses and move on.

The last straw is the recent spate of killings of U.S. soldiers by the Afghan soldiers they're ostensibly training. Something like a fourth of all U.S. deaths this year have been at the hands of our "allies." It's not working. President Obama deserves credit for returning the focus to terrorism when he entered office and taking the steps that led to the killing of Osama Bin Laden. But at that point he should have declared victory and pulled out by the end of the year.

That would have been strength. That would have been gutsy. Republicans would have accused him of weakness, but they're doing that anyway. And really, it is weakness to keep thousands of U.S. troops in harms way, not out of any realistic expectation of winning, but because we can't figure out how to extricate them. President Obama should really be challenged on this. But the Republican candidates won't do it. As misguided as President Obama's Afghanistan policy appears to be, the Republicans are much, much scarier.